Europe's Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right

Product Information

She's portraying the strategies of the right, the change in society, structural racism and the role of the media in this whole thing. All of this has taken place via the politics of austerity, which has used the financial crash of 2008 as a springboard for further erosion of organisations set up to promote diversity and equality. Without that dimension, campaigns can become fractured, and while Fekete does discuss the limits of identity politics, it is through larger-scale mobilisation that those limitations can be overcome.

It is highly superficial, extremely subjective and poor product of 'academic' representation as the author works in the Institute of Race Relations, whose understanding of the world and geopolitics is highly questionable.and the ways in which centre and extreme-right politicians have used the language employed and normalised by the corporate media to create a climate of outrage and indignation, particularly at election time. An expansive investigation of the ways in which a newly configured right interconnects with anti-democratic and illiberal forces at the level of the state, Europe’s Fault Lines provides much-needed answers, revealing some uncomfortable truths. g. market forces using and endorsing the discriminatory and intolerant arguments of the right to sell boarder security tech).

This gives the reader a clear picture of what is to come and provides navigation through the designations ‘extreme right’, ‘hard right’ and ‘far right’, terms which are often used interchangeably by the corporate media. One particular incident exemplifies both logics: on the eve of the city festival celebrations in the German town Chemnitz in August 2018, a middle-aged man was stabbed to death supposedly by, important for the developments to follow, an asylum seeker. While de-radicalisation programmes at the grassroots level are remarkably unsuccessful in providing lasting change, there is another set of explanations, which Fekete mentions at various points. These ‘Exit strategies’ exist on different levels, from EU-wide to national and local initiatives and cover all kinds of extremism.

It can be useful for future policies regarding different kinds of buildings and infrastructure such as dams, tall buildings or even bridges. The first of these chapters is dedicated to the EU and the nationalist backlash against its uneven development.

The light cast on collusion between Far Right movements and the police (and other state agencies) in various European countries, is of critical importance to understanding the character and effects of this destructive dynamic. For its part, Greece also seeks to leverage EU opposition to the Turkish presence in Cypriot territorial waters to bolster its claims against Turkey in the Aegean. The Christian Social Union (CSU) built their election campaign around migrant juvenile ‘delinquents’, using him as an example, despite Bavaria having one of the lowest crime rates in the whole of Germany. But perhaps finding the most effective way to deal with the far right is not what chiefly interests Liz Fekete, for whom the fact that many ordinary people exhibit a variety of racial and xenophobic prejudices – prejudices we may not like but which they are entitled to hold (all opinions are legal) ‑ often seems to be morally equivalent to the fact that certain conspiratorial groups are engaging in a strategy of intimidation and violence, up to and including murder, with the aim of eventually seizing political power. This has been seen recently in attempts in France to connect the radical-left party France Insoumise and the extreme-right Front National via a supposed shared Euroscepticism and anti-Semitism.For those more versed in the topic it may read repetitive, though I found some enlightening passages which while not necessarily new were certainly moments of realisation once the obvious being pointed out (e. Similarly, the post-war dictatorships of southern Europe have left a legacy of nationalism that has been singularly revivified by the economic problems of those countries, leading to the growth of a ‘defensive nationalism’ (p. She shows how, in contrast to counter-radicalisation programmes for Islamists, white extremists do not have to show remorse for their crimes. My only true disappointment was that, unlike for example in Of Women: In the 21st Century, Fekete did not extend her knowledge to possible practical solutions or actions that will fix the damage of past mistakes, something I would have expected of a member of the Institute of Race Relations.